It now became the difficult task of Yoritomo to organize the power he had wrested from the Taira in such a way that it would remain in the hands of his family. He placated the powerful Buddhist monks and restored to the civil nobility lands which had been lost during the long wars. He did not attempt to usurp the imperial throne, nor even to remove the Fujiwara nobility from their offices. He preserved the court at Kyoto with its old offices and nominally with its authority. It was still in theory the source of all power in the state, and it was encouraged to maintain its ceremonies. Yoritomo made it innocuous, however, by establishing side by side with the older civil officialdom a military administration owing allegiance to himself. With imperial sanction, he appointed, in all the provinces, military constables and in most districts and private estates military tax-collectors. These constables and tax-collectors were Yoritomo's own vassals, owing allegiance to him. They did not displace the regular local officials appointed by the civil government at Kyoto, but shared and eclipsed their authority and transacted official business with greater promptness and efficiency. Taxes were levied on all lands but those of the religious orders: the great estates of secular princes were not, as during the later years of the Fujiwara, exempted from these burdens. This military organization was called the Bakufu, literally "camp office." Yoritomo was, of course, its head, and in 1192 was the title of "sei-i-tai- shogun," or "great barbarian-subduing general," a title usually abbreviated into "shogun." Strictly speaking the word "shogun," meaning simply "general," was not new but had for some time been a common appellation for military officers of the highest rank. The center of the bakufu Yoritomo did not leave at Kyoto, but removed to the north to Kamakura, not far from the present Tokyo, where he established a separate capital. Kamakura was remote from the contaminating luxury of Kyoto, which had proved so disastrous to the Fujiwara and even to the Taira chief, and from the intrigues of the court nobility. It was also nearer the military principalities of the north on whose support the Minamoto primarily depended. Thus there came to be two administrative systems, the one civil, the other military, each with its own hierarchy of officials, and each with its capital. The military, of course, predominated, although theoretically it was subordinate to the civil, and the shogun acted only as the deputy of the emperor. Of the elaborate organization copied from China in the seventh and eighth centuries only the impotent forms remained. Yoritomo must be ranked as one of the greatest political geniuses of his nation, for with varying vicissitudes and with only a brief interruption the dual form of government that he inaugurated endured essentially unaltered until past the middle of the nineteenth century, a period of more than six and a half centuries. Had Japan been as seriously menaced by outside enemies as was China, however, it is quite possible that the divided authority of the system would have proved disastrous.

Yoritomo's descendants were unable long to retain the control of the machinery that he had so carefully put in operation. His house speedily suffered the fate that had befallen both the imperial and the Fujiwara families. His son proved incompetent and the real power fell into the hands of the Hojo family, from which had come the consort of the first shogun. The able head of that house had helped in the establishment of the bakufu. He and his treacherous son by subtle intrigues succeeded in killing the heirs of Yoritomo or reduced them to mere puppets. The Hojo themselves never usurped the shogunate, outwardly retaining for the position the same reverence that the Fujiwara had observed toward the institution of the emperor. The office was kept in the hands of minors, however, whose retirement was forced when they approached maturity. At first the office was reserved for the heirs of Yoritomo, but as his direct line died out, young scions of the Fujiwara or of the imperial family were appointed. The heads of the Hojo were content with the title of "regent" and with the substance of power. This latter they wielded with relentless energy and controlled emperors and shoguns with an iron hand. When, early in the history of their rule, an ex-emperor attempted to assert his authority and end the dual government, he was ruthlessly defeated, the ruling emperor was forced into a monastery, and the Hojo appointed one of their number as military governor of Kyoto, thereafter controlling the imperial succession at will. Never had the royal house been treated with such scant ceremony. The period of the Hojo domination is known by their name and lasted from 1199 to 1333.


The Hojo era, in spite, of civil strife and military rule, was not without progress in culture and art. New sects of Buddhism arose, the expression of fresh needs and of originality in religious thinking. Like the earlier divisions of Buddhism that we have mentioned, all but one of these had their origin outside Japan and were brought in from China. They were modified, however, by their Japanese adherents. In the latter half of the twelfth century the Jodo ("Pure Land") sect had been added to the Tendai and the Shingon groups. It taught salvation by faith in Amida. This Amida or Amitabha, "the Buddha of Infinite Light," was without beginning or end and was the father of all beings. He had been incarnated at different times and in various forms to bring salvation to men and at his last appearance had vowed that he would not accept deliverance by entering Buddhahood unless by so doing he could make salvation possible for all men. He succeeded after much suffering and opened a Paradise for the redeemed. Jodo taught that Paradise was open to all who called on Amida with faith. One is forcibly reminded of Christian teaching, and some scholars have believed that they have established the existence of an historic connection.

In the thirteenth century three more sects appeared. The first, Shinshu, a form of Jodo, has sometimes been called Buddhist Protestantism. It dispensed with elaborate acts of devotion and ritual. Its priests married and it had no monasteries. It translated its scriptures into the vernacular and taught that salvation was achieved not through abstruse philosophy or penances, abstinence from meat, and elaborate ceremonies, but through simple faith in Amida and devout prayer, purity, and earnestness of life.

The second, or Zen group of sects, had a great influence over the military class. It owed its origin to an Indian priest who had come to China in the sixth century and had attempted to reform the Buddhism of that land. Enlightenment was to be obtained not primarily from books, but as Gautama had found it, through meditation. Zen found its way to Japan, and was greatly modified there. It demanded of its followers a mode of intense mental concentration; to know truth one must learn to look at the world from an entirely new angle, and become indifferent to the vicissitudes of life. Zen encouraged a studied and primitive simplicity and symbolized through it the deepest meanings. It valued reserve, a perfect self-control backed by concentrated energy. Its sternness and its austerity were in contrast to the softer teachings and ornate temples of the older sects, Tendai and Shingon, that had appealed to the luxurious court at Kyoto. It impressed mightily the warrior class and while only a few practiced fully its exacting, rigorous methods, it had a great effect upon feudal life. Painting, architecture, landscape gardening, social intercourse and etiquette, literature, and calligraphy all showed its influence, particularly in the later feudal ages.

The third, or Nichiren group, bears the name of its founder, an earnest, zealous preacher. He was distressed by the religious and political decay of his day and as a remedy taught a kind of monotheism, a belief in Gautama, not Amida, as the Eternal One. He laid especial emphasis on one book of the Buddhist scriptures. He bitterly denounced the other sects and the evils of his times, and was frequently in peril of his life at the hands of irate rulers. His followers have used spectacular methods of reaching the people. Far from restoring unity in Buddhism the sect has itself broken up into many subdivisions.

As time went on Kamakura began to take on an air of luxury and refinement. Magnificent temples were erected. Tea was introduced from China and with its use there began an elaborate ceremonial of tea-drinking closely associated with the Zen sect and meant to have moral as well as æsthetic significance. With tea came porcelain utensils from the continent, and in the attempt to copy them the Japanese for the first time began to produce superior pottery of their own. Sculpture flourished, especially in wood. Some specimens bear comparison with the best of the work of the Occident. Sword-makers raised their handicraft to the rank of a fine art. Two notable schools of painting developed. One of them, in Kyoto, while admiring the old Chinese masters, aspired to be distinctively Japanese. The other, in Kamakura, adhered closely to the form in use on the continent and remained decidedly Chinese.

Once during the period Japan was seriously threatened by foreign invasion. The Mongols, a Central Asiatic tribe, having achieved unity under some remarkably able leaders and generals, in the thirteenth century overran Central and Western Asia and Eastern Europe, and established themselves on the throne of China. In the latter part of the thirteenth century the Mongol emperor of China, Kublai Khan, decided to attempt the annexation of Japan. A first expedition was sent in 1274 but was beaten back, and a second more elaborate one was dispatched seven years later. Against the invasion the Japanese united as one people, forgetting for a time their divisions. It needed all their strength to repulse it, for Kublai had endeavored through years of preparation to concentrate on it the resources of all his vast domains. His Chinese dominions had been annoyed by Japanese pirates and his wrath had been aroused by the ignominious death that the Hojo had inflicted on his messengers. The Japanese bravely assaulted the armada which bore the invading army and held it at bay until one of the sudden storms of the region arose and destroyed it. It was probably the most notable deliverance in the nation's history. Japan remained the one civilized state in the Far East that had successfully resisted the Mongol arms.


In time the power of the Hojo was weakened. The defeat of the Mongol invasion strained their resources and for various reasons added little to their prestige. The luxury of the life at Kamakura did its baleful work. The regents became corrupt and followed the evil custom of retiring early in life, each in turn leaving his position to a child who was controlled either by his ministers or an ex-regent. The government presented the sorry spectacle of a puppet guardian of a puppet shogun who was in turn the agent of a puppet emperor. Dire mismanagement followed. When dissatisfaction was at its height there chanced to be on the imperial throne a monarch, Go-Daigo, who, unlike most of his immediate predecessors, was a mature man at the time of his accession. He made a desperate effort to regain the substance of the power whose shadow he enjoyed, and to end the dual government. Years of civil war followed. For a time the Hojo prevailed and Go-Daigo was driven into exile. The Hojo tyranny, however, had aroused such great opposition that many of the military class rallied to the support of the emperor. Aided by them, especially by a scion of the Minamoto, Ashikaga Takauji, and by two who are still greatly honored in Japan as noble patriots, Nitta Yoshisada and Kusonoki Masashige, the emperor finally prevailed. Kamakura was taken and the Hojo rule came to an end. Go-Daigo, while and capable, was lacking in political discretion. After the victory he divided the spoils among his followers with such injustice that dissatisfaction arose. A disproportionate amount of the lands of his enemies went to his favorites among the incompetent court nobility and to the scheming Ashikaga Takauji, to the discomfiture of many loyal soldiers who had helped him in the day of battle. The discontent found a leader in Takauji, who turned against his imperial master. Nitta Yoshisada and Kusonoki Masashige, although they had been shabbily treated by Go-Daigo, remained loyal to him. After a struggle of some months, in which the tide of battle flowed and ebbed, these two champions of the throne were killed and Go-Daigo was driven from Kyoto (1336). Takauji placed upon the throne his own candidate from the imperial line and had himself appointed shogun. This appointee of Takauji was declared by Go-Daigo to be a usurper and two rival royal lines came into existence. The Ashikaga and their candidate retained control of Kyoto and most of the nation, and Go-Daigo and his descendants, according to native historians the legitimate house, held sway in Yamato. For over half a century civil war between the two lines was kept up. Private feuds added to the disorder and for a time all centralized authority seemed to be doomed. A reconciliation was reached between the rival branches of the imperial house, by the southern court practically yielding its claim to the throne and uniting itself with the northern.

The two centuries (1392-1603) that followed the union of the two courts were not destined to be peaceful. The disorder had become too firmly fixed during the civil strife to be quickly overcome, and Takauji not proved himself the able organizer that Yoritomo had been. He had attempted too often to quiet opposition by kindness rather than vigorous cruelty and had helped to endow rival families with wide lands. After the union of the dynasties, civil war continued for several decades over the disputes that had arisen while the two were separate. To hold the southern court in check the Ashikaga shoguns had located their seat at Kyoto, and Kamakura, the former capital of the bakufu, became a center of sedition. Then there were conflicts over the succession to the shogunate, and candidates, often mere puppets, were championed by rival parties. The power of the individual military families grew, and away from the immediate vicinity of Kyoto each was erecting for itself what was virtually an autonomous domain. In their struggles for the shogunate and with the southern party the Ashikaga had been forced to grant, as the price of support, extensive estates to the military families, and rights of autonomy which Yoritomo would never have thought of conceding.

Disorder extended even beyond the bounds of the empire. Daring Japanese merchant pirates harrassed the shores of China, plundering and burning cities and towns, avenging the invasion of the Mongols and the failure of the Chinese to grant satisfactory trading privileges. They raided such centers as Ningpo, Shanghai, and Soochow and extended their operations to the Philippines, and to Siam, Burma, and India. For a time it seemed that the Japanese might become a seafaring people, and anticipate by three hundred and fifty years their commercial achievements of the twentieth century.

Internal disorder was augmented by Buddhist warrior- monks. Monasteries had grown rich on the gifts of pious emperors, shoguns, and nobles, and sometimes housed groups of thousands of trained fighters. In the years of disorder many of the inmates of these religious houses had armed themselves. More than frequently men assumed the robes of the priest for other than religious reasons and in time the greater monasteries had become the abode of desperadoes who terrorized the surrounding country. One even dominated Kyoto and for years kept it in constant dread.

The anarchy was still further increased by the extravagance of the Ashikaga shoguns. With their capital at Kyoto, they had fallen victims to the luxury and vices traditionally associated with the imperial court. Their excesses had weakened their moral fiber and had necessitated the levy of burdensome taxes. The military farmilies, as their power grew, contributed less and less to the national treasury, and the burden of supporting the state fell on a narrowing region around Kyoto. The load finally became unbearable and the populace rose in riots, refusing to pay taxes and asking that all debts be cancelled. Under the later Ashikaga the capital was partly in ruins from the civil strife and the revenues had so fallen off that the nobles of the imperial court were forced to become pensioners of the feudal chiefs. The emperors were in dire distress. The coronation of one had to be deferred for lack of funds to defray the expenses; another is said to have been reduced to the straits of selling his autographs and becoming a copyist of poems and extracts from the classics to obtain the necessities of life. The body of still another is said to have remained unburied for many days for lack of funds to meet the funeral charges.

One Ashikaga shogun brought down on his head the curses of all future Japanese patriots by acknowledging the overlordship of China and accepting from its emperor the title of "King of Japan." Under several of these shoguns trade with the Middle Kingdom was carried on as an official monopoly. The government's ships went to Ningpo and were treated by the Chinese as bearers of tribute. The Ashikaga calmly acquiesced, for the expeditions were lucrative and the proceeds were a welcome addition to the revenues of the state.

The anarchy was further increased by the arrival of Europeans. The explorations of the Portuguese in the age of discoveries, during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, so familiar to all students of Western history, had finally brought them to Japan. Europe had probably first heard of the country from the Venetian traveler, Marco Polo, who had spent some years at the court of Kublai Khan at the time the Mongol expedition against Japan was being organized. He brought back to the Occident marvelous tales of the riches of the islands, and it was partly the hope of rediscovering the country that led Columbus to undertake his famous search for a direct Western route to the East. It was in 1542, nearly fifty years after Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope, that the Portuguese reached Japan, the first Europeans to view its shores. They established commerce, chiefly with the ports of the southern island, Kiushiu. They brought with them two things which were to affect profoundly the future of the nation, firearms and Christianity.

Firearms were a new weapon to Japan and their use partly helped the feudal lords to achieve a larger independence of the central government. Their use also transformed the strongholds of the military chiefs. No longer were wooden structures and simple earthen walls sufficient defense. There arose great castles with massive walls of stone which are still the wonder of the tourist.

Christianity was first brought by the zealous and heroic Jesuit, Francis Xavier, who arrived in Japan in 1549, with some Portuguese and Japanese companions. Xavier was in the islands about two years and penetrated as far as Kyoto. He was followed by other members of the Society of Jesus. The message of these earnest men found a quick and eager response. In ceremonial, doctrine, and organization Roman Catholic Christianity seemed to the Japanese but little different from the Buddhism to which they were already accustomed. Accepting Christianity meant a further share in the valuable trade with the merchants of the West, so they were predisposed in its favor. Buddhism had partly failed to meet the religious needs of the people and at this time was at a low ebb morally and spiritually. For reasons that we shall see later the new faith was favored at the capital. By 1581, or in less than a generation after Xavier's arrival, there were reported to be two hundred churches and one hundred and fifty thousand Christians. At the height of the mission the converts are said to have numbered six hundred thousand, although this figure may be an exaggeration. Two embassies from feudal lords were sent to Rome, and for a time it seemed as though Japan were about to become a Christian country. The new faith, however, added to the existing discord in the nation. Its missionaries were intolerant and insisted that the Christian lords use force to stamp out Buddhism and Shinto. This naturally led to opposition and disturbances. Moreover, following in the wake of the Portuguese Jesuits came Spanish Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians from the Philippine Islands. These friars fell to quarreling with the Jesuits and the confusion was accentuated.

What with the rivalries of the military chiefs, the Buddhist warrior-monks, the weakness of the central government, the anarchy at the capital, the introduction of firearms, and the divisions caused by Christianity, it seemed for a time that the nation might break up.

All was not dark, however. In the first place, the period was not one of utter depravity and barbarism. In spite of civil war, in spite of the robbers that infested the capital and the provinces, in spite of disunion, there was some progress in culture. Even at Kyoto there were occasional times of quiet when the arts of peace might flourish. At the courts of some of the great feudal barons, or daimyo ("great name"), as they came to be called, there was to be found a regard for the refinements of life, even though the luxury of the capital was despised. Here and there were towns, partly the result of the semi-piratical commerce with the continent. The Zen sect of Buddhism and its closely allied ceremony of tea-drinking grew in popularity. Artistic dancing had its votaries, as it had had from the dawn of the nation's history, and a severely classical style that was evolved then is still in vogue in aristocratic circles. Under the auspices of Buddhism the drama began its growth. The tasteful arrangement of flowers became popular as a special study. Landscape gardening, for which Japan is so justly famous, received much attention. It owed its inception, as does so much else that is good in Japan, to Chinese models, but these had been greatly improved upon. The studied simplicity and attempt to preserve nature, for instance, that are the ideals of one school of Japanese gardeners, are in sharp contrast to the elaborate formalism of the continental artists. The burning of incense took on the proportions of an exacting, complicated avocation in polite society. Wrestling was evolved from its earlier and simpler forms to a specialized vocation. Sword-making, as might be expected in an age so largely military, attained the rank of a fine art. The secrets of manufacture were handed down from father to son and choice specimens were as famous as the greatest paintings and almost as costly. Painting was not entirely neglected, but was pursued by some whose names rank with the greatest that Japan has produced.Bushido, "the way of the warrior," the ethical code of the military class, was elaborated.


In the second place, out of the anarchy of these years arose the men who were to reestablish order, vigorous leaders without whom the Japan of to-day would have been impossible. It was natural that the shifting fortunes and the struggles of such troublous times should enable the strongest men to come to the front. Birth counted for less than it had in some previous centuries, and the man of merit and ability had a much better chance of recognition than he would have had in peaceful times when society was more stereotyped. Members of the lower orders of the military class arose and struggled to establish their supremacy. Three of these stand out preëminently, as successive masters of the nation, Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Iyeyasu, more commonly referred to simply by their personal names Nobunaga, Hideyoshi, and Iyeyasu. The last was to organize a form of government that was to endure until past the middle of the nineteenth century.

The first of these, Nobunaga, rose through a series of successful wars with his neighbors and in 1568, at the invitation of the emperor, came to Kyoto to restore order. Partly through the favor of the imperial house he made himself master of Kyoto and reduced the shogun to the position of a mere puppet. From that time his life was largely a series of wars waged to maintain his position. He fought other feudal lords who desired to emulate his success. He fought the warrior-monks and subdued them, destroying one great monastery at Osaka and another that dominated the capital. In his hatred of these monks and Buddhism in general he viewed with favor the coming of the Jesuits and furthered their propaganda, quite possibly in the hope that this new sect might help him in his fight with the older. He did not formally assume a high office but was content to rule the empire simply as the most powerful of the feudal princes. In one of his wars (1582) he was trapped unexpectedly by a vassal and, in accordance with the traditions of his class, committed suicide rather than allow himself to be captured in disgrace. Nobunaga had had two able lieutenants, Hideyoshi and Iyeyasu, who were now in turn to dominate the nation.

Hideyoshi is one of the most remarkable men that Japan has produced, and has at times been called its Napoleon. He was of humble birth, not being even of warrior (samurai) rank. His youth was spent in the most desperate poverty. As a lad of six he lost his father. At sixteen he was able to attach himself to a small daimyo with whom he became popular. He later joined Nobunaga, by sheer ability arose to high command, and eventually became one of the two chief lieutenants of his master.

Iyeyasu was of Minamoto blood and so was eligible for the position of shogun. He owed his position, however, not so much to family connections as to genius, and was to emerge as the final organizer of the feudal system and one of the ablest statesman that his nation has produced. He was frugal and hardworking, and could bide his time with infinite patience. While he was utterly unscrupulous in the use of means for attaining his own ends and never allowed his heart to interfere with his designs, he won men by his affability and was not without feelings of generosity and justice. His resourcefulness seemed inexhaustible and his judgment almost infallible.

The sons of Nobunaga proved incapable of maintaining their leadership of the nation after their father's death. Civil strife followed and out of it Hideyoshi emerged as master. Iyeyasu, for a time his enemy, soon allied himself with him, and became his chief lieutenant. By a combination of tact and force Hideyoshi put down opposition and united all Japan under his sway. He crushed his opponents, even in remote districts like Kiushiu, by masterful campaigns, and then often won the support of the vanquished by generous terms. He was a remarkably accurate judge of men, a skillful strategist, and an extremely able administrator. While he never overcame some of the defects of his plebeian birth and early training, these did not seriously handicap his success. Not being of Minamoto blood he could not become shogun, but he had himself adopted by one of the Fujiwara and was appointed to the post of regent, an office heretofore reserved to members of that aristocratic family, and later was given the title of Taiko, "great merit," by which he is usually known to Japanese readers. He is the one instance in the nation's history of the rise of a commoner to the highest position open to a subject.

After subjugating the nation, Hideyoshi gave himself to the task of unifying and increasing his power. At first he favored Christianity, but he soon came to oppose it, for he felt it to be a source of dissension, and feared that it might pave the way for an invasion by the Spanish or Portuguese. Because of greater interests elsewhere, however, he did not strictly enforce against it his edicts of proscription. He built extensively in Osaka, the port of Kyoto, and laid the foundations of the prosperity of that city. Not content with controlling Japan, he dreamed of foreign commercial and political expansion. He encouraged daring Japanese mariners to sail to Macao, the Philippines, Cambodia, and Annam.

Near by was Korea, and Hideyoshi planned to reduce it and use it as a gateway for the conquest of China. He probably felt, too, that a foreign expedition would be a convenient channel into which to divert the martial spirit of the feudal lords, and prevent their plotting against him. War was forced and in 1592 Hideyoshi's armies crossed to the mainland and began their attack. This was carried on with great cruelty and won for the Japanese the abiding hatred of the Koreans. The invasion also involved the islanders with China, for the Celestial Empire claimed the peninsula as a vassal state and felt that its possession by an alien power would be a menace to the imperial borders. Korea had been united some centuries before, but was then in decay and found it difficult to offer an effective resistance. The prolonged attack was only partially successful; it drained Japan of men and money and caused endless anxiety to its author. Peace negotiations were begun with China but were angrily broken off by Hideyoshi when he learned that he was to be invested by the emperor of China with the title of a tributary king. Finally after the Taiko's death in 1598 the troops were recalled. The Japanese power in the peninsula soon dwindled to a shadowy claim of suzerainty which was not vigorously enforced. Occasional embassies were sent from Korea to acknowledge the overlordship of the island empire, but there was no attempt at interference in the internal affairs of the vassal state.

Hideyoshi had spent much time in attempting to make the succession secure for his only son, Hideyori, and had perfected an elaborate council of regency made up of the strong men of the realm with Iyeyasu as president. These all solemnly promised to be true to their trust and to their lord's heir. The great warrior was scarcely in his grave, however, before dissensions broke out. Hideyori was a mere lad and of course could not keep the turbulent feudal chiefs under control. Within two years Japan was in two armed camps, one made up chiefly of southern daimyo and in possession of Hideyori, the other led by Iyeyasu, who had thus proved untrue to his trust as president of the regency. The two armies met at Sekigahara not far from Kyoto, and there followed one of the decisive battles of the nation's history. Aided by treason in the enemy's ranks, Iyeyasu won, and was henceforth master of the country. Hideyori, his mother, and his immediate followers retired to the strong castle at Osaka which his father had built. Outwardly he submitted to the Tokugawa and for some years was not molested. He was not constrained to join the feudal sytsem that Iyeyasu was organizing and was even married to that astute person's granddaughter. As Hideyori approached maturity, however, he gave promise of real vigor and ability. There began to gather around him at Osaka all those who were discontented with the Tokugawa's rule. Iyeyasu's apprehensions were aroused and in 1615 he trumped up a cause for a quarrel. The castle was attacked but proved so impregnable that Iyeyasu withdrew, feigning a desire for peace. An agreement was entered into by which Hideyori, in exchange for quiet, trustingly but unwisely allowed the outer defenses of his fortress to be razed and the moat to be filled. Iyeyasu then returned to the attack, the castle was fired by traitors and Hideyori and his mother perished. All opposition of the Taiko's followers now ceased.

For further reading see: Griffis, The Mikado's Empire; Lloyd, The Creed of Half Japan; Brinkley, Japan, Its History, Arts and Literature; Brinkley, A History of the Japanese People; Longford, The Story of Old Japan; Longford, The Story of Korea.